Tycoons and Monopolies III: Dan Gertler 22.04.13
Dan Gertler is a 40 year old Israeli billionaire president of the DGI (Dan Gertler International) group of companies who became involved in Africa and, in particular, the resources in the Democratic Government of the Congo (DRC formerly Zaire). Steeped for his whole life in the family diamond business, he was only 23 years old when he founded DGI after completing his IDF service in Israel. He had learned the diamond trade from his father and famous grandfather, Moshe Schnitzer, who initiated and was the first President of the Tel Aviv Diamond Exchange. He set up his own firm because he believed the big profits were not to be found in the labour intensive part of the business, cutting and polishing raw diamonds, but acquiring and selling the raw diamonds themselves.
Though I never met him, our paths crossed in 1997. At the end of 1994, I and a Norwegian colleague, Astri Suhrke, had been commissioned by an international consortium of governments, humanitarian and devlopment agencies to research and write a report on the international community’s role in the 1994 Rwandan genocide in which 800,000 Rwandan Tutsis and moderate Hutus were slaughtered in ten weeks by Hutu Rwandans led by an extremist group, the Akasu, who won control over the Rwandan government on 6 April 1994 in a coup d´état.
We finished our report a year later and it was very widely lauded except by the President of Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, the Belgians, and the French. Yoweri Museveni criticized us for saying that the evidence overwhelmingly suggested that Museveni must have known about the desertion of the Rwandans from his army and the invasion of Rwanda on 1 October 1990 when Museveni kept insisting he had no knowledge. The Belgian complaint was rather mild; they had a harsh judgement of the Canadian General Romeo Dallaire’s role as the head of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force and were especially critical of his role when the Belgian peacekeepers were murdred by the military extremists in Rwanda. We, on the other hand, regarded Romeo Dallaire as somewhat of a hero.
The French criticisms were much more serious and of a much higher order and very much stronger that the other two. They were apoplectic about our claim that France continued to supply arms to the extremist regime in Rwanda even after the genocide had commenced on 6 April 1994. The disagreement led the French government to cancel a high level trip to Paris from Sweden, withdraw its financial support for the commission (which Finland volunteered to make up) and to denounce us in the most vociferous way. We offered to reconsider and offered to travel to Paris to see the French evidence; we agreed to rewrite if the evidence contradicted our findings, including findings we had from French government sources in our previous trips to Paris. The Canadian ambassador at that meeting in Copenhagen came up to me after the brouhaha and told me, “Howard, stick to your guns. I was on the tarmack of Kigali airport after the genocide started and saw French arms being unloaded by a private carrier onto the tarmac.
We went to Paris but the French government was not co-operative and provided no new information. We let the report stand as we had written it. As it turns out, we were incorrect about the claim that the French government continued to ship arms to Rwanda after the genocide started. At the end of 1996, as a result of Paul Kagame’s Rwandan army overrunning the refugee camps controlled by the Hutu extremists then based in Zaire, documents were found by an Italian jouirnalist and sent to us which showed that the arms with French markings were supplied by a British firm based in the Isle of Wight and the arms had come, not from France, but from Eastern Europe supplied via a middleman, an Israeli-Hungarian.
Our involvement in Zaire, still led by Sese Seku Mobutu, began as we followed the plight of the more than a million ex-FAR (old Rwandan army), their families, militias involved in the genocide in Rwanda as well as other civilian refugees inrto Zaire. After failing in their efforts to launch military raids against ther new government, they began a genocide againt Tutsis in Zaire. Paul Kagame, then President of Rwanda, warned the international community that if the invasions and depridations of the ex-FAR and militias in Zaire were not stopped, he would take action. The international community stood by. Kagame in alliance with Museveni of Uganda invaded Zaire. They involved a small number of Congolese and appointed Laurent-Désiré Kabila as the spokeman for the supposedly indigenous uprising against the crimes being committed in eastern Zaire. (This narrative is filled out in our book on the DRC.)
In the process of the invasion, Laurent Kabila, an old Lumumba supprter who for the last twenty years had made a lliving as a smuggler, promoted himself step by step to the military and political leadership of the invading force. Further, not satisfied with overcoming the control of the refugee camps by the ex-FAR and winning military victories over Mobutu’s forces that had been in league with the ex-FAR forces, and against the wishes of his Rwandan and Ugandan patrons, Kabila decided not to stop but to go onto Kisangani, which he overran, and then head for Kinsasha and the complete overthrow of the Mobutu regime.
One set of masters, controllers and expoiters of Zaire’s – now renamed the Democratic Repiublic of the Congo (DRC) – resources, were replaced by a new group – Kabila in competition with Uganda and Rwanda for control. What ensued was Africa’s first continental war in which DRC’s immense mineral resources became the prize. In 1997, Dan Gertler flew to Kinshasha and was introduced to Laurent Kabila through the Lubavitcher rebbe, Rabbi Chlomo Bentolila, based in that city. Without his Rwandan and Ugandan patrons, Kabila was strapped for funds to pay his soldiers. Gertler offered to loan Kabila US$20 million in return for a monopoly control of the diamond production in the DRC. Kabila agreed. Within weeks, Gertler raised the funds that became the foundation of his personal fortune.